In 1986 black people broke my heart. And since then I've known in my heart that I was African American. It's a long story I've told many times in different ways. But here's the long and short of it. I was elected and I resigned.
I was elected by the general body of the National Society of Black Engineers in San Francisco in 1984 to be the National Finance Officer. Since I was an avid reader of Thomas Sowell, I knew that the best thing I could do was put together a means of financing the operations of the Society so that their aims of recruitment, retention and graduation of black student in the engineering and science disciplines could be met. I didn't raise millions, but I did get into the hundreds of thousands.
To the best of my ability and at considerable personal expense I dedicated myself to the task. But perhaps I was too short-sighted. For all of my cleverness, I couldn't convince my sponsors that we were not two different organizations but one Society. And so since I couldn't come up with a brilliant plan I made two different solicitation packages. One for the Heroes Trust and one for the Benevolent Society. Those sponsors who saw us as the Hero's Trust were most impressed by the fact that our students boasted a higher overall GPA than the national collegiate average. They were impressed by the fact that we were Computer Science, Physics and Electrical Engineering majors doing the toughest work at the most competitive universities. They gave money, and I thanked them. Those sponsors who saw us as the Benevolent Society were impressed by the fact that we drew members from poor underserved communities. They were impressed by the fact that although we didn't graduate all of our members, we gave so many important job skills and the chance to be at university. They gave money, and I thanked them.
I took all the money and put it in one big pot, and we fought over it. You see it wasn't just outsiders who saw us this way. It was us too.
There were some of us who wanted to take that money and pay Louis Farrakhan to speak on campus, because he exemplified what black people in a black society should be all about. There were some of us who wanted to take that money and pay Bill Cosby to speak on campus, because he exemplified what black people in a black society should be all about. There were some of us who wanted to take that money, period because we exemplified what black people in a black society should be all about. And there were even some of us who wanted to take the money and run, but we only found out about them too late.
I was also an Alpha. I was also a member of the Black Business Association. I was up for Blue Key but didn't have the time. I might have pledged Sigma Chi - I was invited but I didn't have the time. There's any number of things I might have done but didn't. The problem was that I thought all of that black activity might have a singular purpose. I was foolish enough to believe that in the end we would all come together, like we did when the Sigma (Phi Beta Who?) thew huge parties at Ackerman Union. In fact, I can remember my faith in black unity in my interview for pledging Alpha Phi Alpha. I recited my biography up until that point in my life including my participation in the first Kwanzaas and my work with both the Brotherhood Crusade and the Rainbow Coalition. I said that if Alpha is all that it's supposed to be, brothers like them and I would be together in the solidarity eventually, I may as well join the brotherhood now. This indeed was my approach to all black manhood at the time, it was one of the reasons I was so fascinated by the ascent of Wynton Marsalis. Unity. Black unity for me in 1984 was a given.
I ran for re-election and won again. The problem reasserted itself, and
I found myself wanting to take sides, but I couldn't. In the end I
resigned with a broken heart.
One of the battles I also faced in those college days was the other presumption of unity that white students had of black students. As I was also on the Senate Finance Committee for the student body, I passed judgment over the funding of other campus organizations. One consistent political spitball that was constantly thrown our way was that the black orgs on campus were too successful in getting money from the University, that their politics was too good, that their influence too powerful. The argument was that white students put more into the pot and got less out, that black clubs and organizations were disproportionately funded. All of that was factually true. We had certain things wrapped up because we were interested to. Everybody who put money in didn't care about getting money out, we did. When such battles came to a head, it was inevitably proposed by the opposition to such black power that blacks should be organized under an umbrella organization, and that all funding for all black clubs and organizations be funneled through that one organization. I knew that was a horrible idea. One black neck for one white rope.
And so despite the fact that disunity among blackfolks broke my heart, I also knew it to be our saving grace. The fact of the matter was that all of us were too proud and too busy on our own agendas to stop for unity. There's a lot of interesting detail in the full history of my career as a black BMOC but in the end it was the heartbreak that lingered with me longest. I went out into the work world with one certainty, black unity is dead. It doesn't work, moreover I knew deep in my heart that it shouldn't work.
As the 80s progressed and I went hard Buppie in the same way some people go hard Afrocentric, I was brimming with the confidence that my way was best for me and if other blackfolks had seen what I'd seen, they'd be with me. At the same time I shed my Talented Tenth pretenses and accepted the denouement of Black Leadership. For a few years nothing made sense to me despite my predilections, but I became a natural ally of Jesse Jackson (for that moment) when he introduced the term 'African American'.
African-American shouted out to me because it was a world historical term. We know we are from Africa. We know we live in America. We know, and I know especially, that there is no one 'black community' and that we are all different. So this demographic term is all we need, and then we can reference our history with accuracy while not suggesting that we are all on the same agenda. We are not. And there ended the heartbreak. I still had a nagging feeling about it because I sensed that the outreach mission I began as a collegian was very much unfinished. I was frustrated by our inability to fund both the Heroes Trust and the Benevolent Society, we needed a lot more black billionaires than we had who could understand a blackified E Pluribus Unum. I was also extremely frustrated that Jesse Jackson's Rainbow Coalition had tried to jack NSBE for our money, it made me very quickly aware of how powerful our organization was and thus how relatively weak other black organizations were to fund matters of The Struggle.
At a stellar moment around 1992, I read Gwaltney after a period of several years of introspection and discovery. Gwaltney set me free of all itches - of the necessity of my concerns about blackfolks. Not only was there Gwaltney there was Ernest J. Gaines. Both of these men convinced me in no uncertain terms that blackfolks didn't need leadership. That the entire premise of the dignity of the black masses being somebody else's responsibility was false. And from that moment I swore never to second-guess blackfolks again. You see I inherited the arrogant presumption of being an engineer of black society, someone whose cultural productions would continue the journey beyond the hills MLK could not climb. Like many in my generation, I had a Moses complex. I was striving to be Christlike for black people, my chosen people, the chosen people. Their struggle was my struggle and 90% of my moral backbone and authority came from my active participation in their continued liberation. It never occurred to me that I might be superfluous. It never occurred to me, despite the fact that I knew unity was a dangerous and double-edged sword, that I might be cut off and not missed. The evidence was slapping me in the face every day, but I refused to see it. Until Gwaltney.
Suddenly, I became a man without a mission. Or at least I could say that my mission was my own property rather than something to be swept along by the tide of black history. And suddenly I felt like Theodore Cross must often feel as a white man whose works are of singular benefit to blacks who don't recognize him or even know his name or care that he exists.
I remember seeing an episode of Oprah in which a community activist who happened to be Buppie was shouted down by a working class woman from the audience. The working woman said, who are you to talk about my struggle? You don't know me and there's nothing you can do for me. I'm a proud black woman and you stand up there insulting me telling me what I ought to do and you don't even know me. (See her neck working?)
This is where we are today. My struggle has nothing to do with your struggle. There is no unity, no agenda. There is simply an African American nation of millions. Uncoordinated, but that's OK. Uncooperative, but that's OK. Uninterested, but that's OK. Those of us who took it upon ourselves to put effort and work into what we interpreted as a generational imperative are left with an unfunded mandate. A horse race of thoroughbred ideas with nobody in the stands betting on any of them. We are a small class of breeders and trainers and riders of ideas, plans and schemes which owe great debts to great minds before us. And yet somehow we are left without the instrumentality. This silence is our dilemma. This thing called 'black', these folks called black people. They cannot be compelled to heed our wisdom or our folly. Everybody is making up black as they go along and the question cannot be settled.
What is to be done about this great cloud of black humanity that refuses its master plan?
Nothing. That is the lesson of conservatism. There is no master plan. There is no final solution, and if somebody tells you they have one, kick him in the shins and run away. There should be no umbrella organization. There should be no enforced unity. We think we all share 'struggle' but my struggle is not your struggle. We'd like to believe that something will unite us as a people, but unity as blacks is impractical, and the fact is blackfolks have already voted against it. We continue to. We don't want to be united. We don't need to be united. We are happy in our disloyalty to a single agenda for the race, and we should be.
There are still reasons to fund a Hero's Trust. There are still reasons to fund the Benevolent Society. They are as good now as they ever were, but you can't make them black ideas, and you can't make black people like them. If you believe in black unity, your heart will inevitably break. Then you will know what I know about people.
One of the guys I know from my NSBE days is wrestling with his destiny to become the first black president of Georgia Tech. Everybody expects it of him, and I hear that he is coming to expect it of himself. I can recall a conversation we had a long time ago, and I wonder if he does. One day I hope to bring it up to him. But today I do not think it the least bit ironic that the same kind of pride that motivated us both 20 years ago has taken him on his path. Nor do I think it ironic or improper that Georgia Tech is not a black institution. So I wonder if in the not too distant future if and when he takes that seat how he will view his struggle to achieve it, and how the cloud of blackfolks in the world will receive his story about that struggle. It will be an interesting day.
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